Missouri state times (Jefferson City, Mo.), 1865-07-28

              Cooper. FOSTER i COOPER. ' I , i:sN CITY, MO. I.,,. i-y p r::- , K si nSCHIPTIOS ... "" 150 . ritr 1e paj for inadvane. " . i paiiTthf ordrrtolnaureattentiun. .-: - '"'tvrckly Tl mailed forone ''" ,V rountv. free; within the Sute, ' :' ''I. ,riiit. JStat.s.ti-iitT-fieenta . xVlaskFristiso. H""'1 .' i, BiiriTBll-d fac ilitie for exocating . C p;'lt,k printinRfn auperior manner. Vl;hn.SlTFIiA GE QUESTION. . A. - J lic CiOverninem, uiscusseu- ,:ttl.t' apiointed at the receiit ' " f..uil Hall, Boston, to prepare r ,,, the people of tbe L niteu u. in.i the following: . ' c United States : .. ,,f the custom of the Amen-I t c nfer freely with one another .mergency, and he example ! VOL. 3. NO. 29 JEFFERSON CITY, FRIDAY, JIY 28, 1865 ,,r,l I.IHV- ..-tor to sneak to their fel- - I . 1 ..... ItAul itARl. . .'rOIlU'llS flllMW "O um. ... ! citizens mis day assetnuiea ' .''ilia to a JJi ess you upon the , ,,MMili:ir risrht to be heard. Jn of the sacredness of the spot ,v0 fj.eak; but trie greatness 01 "" v t!1(. critical qut stions your rep-' 'f ;n iVrngress will soon be required ' '. '.'ni the s-ingular unanimity which the patriotic people 111 iuu l:inl. leads us to nope lor ,A consideration. - 4 1 j, -auctions wnicn we Know v thrown in the way, we wish i a.1 tun I rf liAnnf , t.. :h:ii this meeting and this li-ur-x not been prompted by an m ,' hv any purpose of party or ..',! til- They arc the spontaneous the convictions 01 men in l,:,ve tlinvreu raucu iu uuie I,,- separated again in meir lut who are forced to a com- i.t the present exigency of 'tis i-.-jr ,,n: aiM .iJii v wi.-ely consider our rights .li'istaiid whom and what wo itii, and the probabilities of liiut ask you to review with ,,). however familiar it may seem .:v .-aif :tnl more Southern society :j .Vine steadily in an opposite Ui-'.'.m .-ui own, uutil its entire eyt-H mav call it so) its civilization ,;ile to and at last in- lIi.iiiowii In their progress ......j.'u- had reached a jiosition n l.- .-aid to have become their . -cial and political, that , . ! r are not hy accideut and ': .;. . i.ut I j nature and forever ,, ..:ini condition than thai of "', '.' ; ,v,. in (several iniliions of such . i., t.ili neirrot's, but in whom, white ; - :i, .!!. l! but a tiurter or an eighth . .,. a:; h- hi ilit-ir social fabric restei it .: ;i2ireive their system was in- ..ri l-hii!l Stale institution?, where no . jutli.nily could reach it. From . : m of things there followed con-.if the utmost social and political ; ?., tn the government and people i.ri 'jl.lic. SiaTery, with itsenectson ;j iM otherwise have been tbe labor r whites, resulted in a system -uUlaulialiy oligarchical. It gave k alters the advantages of oligarchy, .c:teJ them personally in its habit, .-aeLtJ and passiona. Slavery ,and Jj cot rest on political economy, liis? ibeir sources in the pride and ...:Kof mi-n. They are, therefore, if cir- -.iice? at all lavor in em, an ever ' iaror I he Southern people te- -.(. consiJer themselves as moulded by raining and position into a master a w;tb their iellow-cituens of the nisi.-e political equality and free ri vhi l become to dispisa To sup ..L-.r -vrtt-ui in National politics, they ::c; ai.'l used, &? a most effectual weapon, -ucsi "f State supremacy, which they xaAvr the name of State rights. z therefore, be fairly said that three iLi oi.tni.lete possession of Southern 'S -.iavt-rv. aristocracy and State eu- cvt L'pou these they carried on tif ...J iii f ire until I860. On !hethey ..iti tieir empire in 1SCI. On ibese, and :tL.- have waged against theRepub-xl-Mi a war of f upendous pro- taay underand the character of .rc:s;-'nwtic fo", w'tn which we have ' i irJ jmlitically, we ask you tore---: thi they accomplished. They j?. in-.iirrection of professed citizens i'firt-s? of grievances. They made no c oi. or civil war within an admitted -:-;ctv 1 hey set up a distinct andin-xi-ai auvtieignty within the terri-" -Jir iej.ul.lie. This extended over tLju.w, and we'hardly saved our capi- in the States of Maryland, Ken-i Missouri, the most the nation i-. lit first was a declaration ofsov--''itrality. Looking at the fact, and r iuv law, we must remember that :..ii drove out from its usurped vr? firry n-pnntativeand obliterated .l .l l edeial authority, posested ;; ;..( 0f giourj'l, and established and :x '''j-iation a central government, :u all its parts, legislative, executive V" il It is true, the rebelspreserv-'-' torij of a republic, but they might - their government a monarchy.; i-f i:i astbeT-cho.se. It happened that -?;: -rTved their State lines, and made caariiv-iu their State constitutions, but -' s.;ut luvi- obliterated both, and re- iira!-,-:vi' into a consolidatedeni--y 1. 1 as they saw CL Then they ir-i i.i-.uition of us, and of the rest t.r'.j. rn-fd armies and a navy, and - :--uc oi'viar. We had only tode--of war, and the rebel govern- tf-"-1-.-! It-iv.. tnr1 r.-i f f V, a iMmftlalnft - ...... i . ivi . . 0 , u ... 1-enui-eof a war of four years, for r-.i iu of the republic, we must not f- Uij. r.o'. oijt place surrendered from -- f"!.:Jf rations There were indi- j i,ut 10t a regiment laid r '.'iiis from motives of returning f'Uiht to the last as bitterly tl. "v''r:ln'l were surrendered by ;r.';2:i!!''eiotily when there, was no ti-C 'iWas by force that their -mt i i.s l,rokei, down. It is by I :i1 '' f'ioiy they held is now in 'ay oivuj ation. They admit them- " j.v.-ird superior numbers and ' 1"",'''JIl-'S but we are not aware "v'c u 'i" -;on extends any further. '."'; ':-'Dii!iiions against the republic j ct:cal !e ; but they are seeking to i wall the least possible delay, the --- to iheir old fields of i.olitical con- ' '"I'li.iiicy. They will endeavor liey C4n lue doctrine of State ;, ior future use. Iu the permis-retui n of the rebel legislature - un, , .j Sherman Johnson a our (iovcrnment barely escaped ' E"' fatal, political defeat at the a MtHmwliP d enemv. Th nurnose SV( ' resume the exercise . unctions with the utmost rKible j.;., wic iasi iiosssiuie cnange in -i'iid !'-vsttms- To secure that they . 'ifufcmit to whatever is necessary. ' wsnamly be borne in mind that ci0 4f v.- when once a State is admitted to its place. the power of the nation over all subjects of State cognizance is gone. If the dogma of State supremacy is not destroyed for prac tice as well as in theory; the war w:ll have been in vain. It has cot onlv been the favorite weapon of slavery, but has been eagerly caught up by the enemies of our in stitutions in Europe tbe tenet that the United States is not a nation, a government, a sovereignty that the citizens owe it no uireci tuit-giKuce mui iuey cannot commit agnnst it the crime of treason, if they carry with them into their treason the forms of State authority. The richt of this republic fto be a sovereign among the sovereignties of tne eartn must be put beyond future dis pute, abroad as well at home. We have paid the fearful price, and we must not be de frauded of the results. Let us now, fellow-citizens, look at the dangers which attend an immediate restora tun of tbe rebel States to the exercise of fall State authority. Slavery is the law of every rebel State. In some of these States free persons of color are not permitted to reside; in none of them have they the right to testify in court, or to be educated ; in a few of them to hold land, and in all of them t.bey are totally disfranchised. But, far beyond the letter of law, the spirit of tbe people and tbe habits of generations are such as to insure tbe permanence of that state of things, in substance. If slavery should be abolished in form, their spirit and habits, their pride and passions, will lead them to uphold their oligarchical system, built upon a debased colored population, aud intrenched behind State institutions over which the nation can not pass in peace. Their personal relations with the colored people, as masters over slaves being changed in law, they will look upon them in a new light, as a class to be feared, and as the cause of their defeat and humiliation. They will not tax themselves to give to the freedmen an education. They will not permit the continuance within their States of philanthropic agencies for coloied peopte from the free States, ihey will not encourage northern immigration with sys tems ot tmall freeholds and ;ree labor ; nor will capital anil labor go there from the free -States under present auspices. Returning to their old arts of politics, wliieh I Lev are fond of, and in which long practice has made them expert, they will seek to repu diate a debt incurred for the suppression of their revolt; nor can we shut our eyes to the danger of political combinations, to be ruled by this oligarchy- and do its work. It is useless to suggest or conjecture methods and means; the spirit and motive will take such forms as occasions mav require. iVe trust it cannot be necessary to pause here ami refute a political fallacy which the logic of events has already ex posed. It has been contended that, forcible lesistauce having ceased, the rebel States are, by that tact, again in their orbits, and in the right ful possession and exercise of all their functions as States, in local and National affairs, just as if no war bad taken place that the nation, whether by Congrecs or the Execu tive, has no option to exercise, no powers or rights to enforce, no conditions that it can make. We trust that the mere. statement of this proposition, in the light of the circumstances in which we stand, is a sufficient refutation. We are holding the rebel country in military occupation, and the nation is asserting a right, before it yields that occupation, to see the public safety secured and the public faith preserved. The only question can ba as to the mode of obtaining this result We trust all loyal people of the land will have no hesitation in standing by the President, with clear convictions as well ns strong purpose cm this issue. By necessity, the Republic muBt hold and exercise some control over these regions and people until the States are restored to their full functions as States, in National as well as in State affairs. This authority is to be exercised by the President or by Congress, or both, according to the nature of each case. T---r-u resulting, necessarily, from iacl w tne war. these oowers a'r iOl necessarily to be exercised by military persons or in military forms, this temporary provisional auiuoruy, although supreme for the time may be ex ercised, much of it, by civil officers, using tbe methods of civil power, and admitting the employment of judicial and executive functions, with the arts and business and social intercourse of life. This we understand to be, in substance, the position which the Gov ernment now occupies, and we believe tbe people recognize it to be of necessity and of right Let us now, tellow-cilizens, turn our at tention to our rights and duties Having succeeded in this war, and holding the rebel States in our military occupation, it is our right and duty to secure whatever the public safety and tbe public faith require. first the principle must be put beyond all question, that the Republic has a direct claim upon the allegiance of eveiy citizen, from which no State can absolve him, and to his obedience to the laws of the Republic, "anything in the constitution or laws of any State to the contrary notwithstanding." Second The public faith is pledged to every person of color in the rebel States, to secure to them and their posterity forever a complete and veritable freedom. Having promised them this freedom, received their aid on the faith of this promise, and, by a successful war and actual military occupa tion of the country, having obtained the power to secure the result, we are dishonored if we fail to make it good to them. Thud The system of slavery must be abolished and prohibited by paramount and irreversible law. throughout tbe rebel States there must be in the words of Webster, "impressed upon the soil itself an in ability to bear up any but free men. - routh the systems ol tne States must be truly " republican." Unless these points are secured, the public faith will be broken, and there will be llo safety for the public peace or the preservation of our institutions It must be remembered that, under the Constitution, most of these sutjects are entirely matters of State jurisdiction. Once withdraw the powers of war, and admit a State to its full functions, and the authority of the Nation over these subjects is gone. It is a State function to determine who shall hold land, who shall testify in State courts, who shall be educated, and how; who shall labor, and how, and under what contracts or obligations, and how enforced; aud who shall vote in National as well as State elections. We have already said that all these points now stand in the constitution and laws of the rebel Stales decided against the freedmen. Action is necessary to put tbem right. So great a change is, no doubt, fundamental, and goes to the bottom of their political system. If it is not made now, before civil society becomes settled, before the States are restored to the c xerciseof all their powers, it will never be m tde, in all human probability, by peaceful in ans. The question now occut-. how are these results to be secured before those States are permitted to resume their functions? We agree that these results 01 vbt to be secured in conformity with what in y be called the American system that up- :i which and for which our Constitution was made. This is a system of separate States, each with separate functions, constituted by the people of each, and st-lf povprninc within its sphere, with a central State constituted by the people of all, supreme within its sphere, and the nnai iu rl of its onhere and functions, the e- -r; . . . , President recognizes the importance 01 proceeding in accordance with this system lie aims at the restoration of the States, by the neonle of the States, without resort to the exercise of sovereign legislative jurisdiction over them bv the General Government. In this we offer to him our sympathy, aud we ask for him an intelligent support, liut, in asmuch as once restored, the State will be beyond our reach, the utmost care must be taken to avoid a hasty and unsatisfactory re storation. We acknowledge that there may be dangers in protracted and extensive military occupation. But we believe the people are willing to incur their share of those perils. V e believe that the people feel that the greatest hazard is in premature restoration, fraught with future danger. Any re- storation would be dangerous which did not Becure, beyond all reasonable peri), the abolition of slaTery, actual freedom, just rights to the free, and, with each State, "a Repub lican form oi government." The President and his Cabinet, we have every reason to believe, have these results in view. We cannot doubt that Congress will refuse to receive any State upon any other terms. If there are any membeis of Congress whose fidelity on these points is donbt-ful, we implore you to exercise over them all the just authority and influence ofconstituents. We advance no extreme or refined theory as to what may be included within the term " a republican form of government." In the exercise of the extraordinary prerogative of the tieneral tiuvernmont to determine whether a State Constitution is "republican," there must be practical fined theories. If the may be idgea of people w that jder an ditional temptation to that class t eUin it L in their bands; and we shall be t Jpelied to meet, as heretofore, the old tpU , sot im proved by iU recent experience, ai j- largely; increases in lis political power.-As we speak from a free State suggested that we arc not to food What should be done for the color of the South as tht-e who have be up among them. It does not fc those who have been Vimncht UD abuse are the best judges whether shall be continued, or of what shall be subt Hated ia its place. The people of the No A hare seeu the colored race acting as frt taea under free institutions, which the poc' eof the South have not. Thev who hav k Jown the man of color only as a slave benWhia master, or sometimes as a disfranchised &eein&n, under a slave system embracing hi -race, are not tbe only, nor the besb qualifiil class to give an opinion as to what be may do, or what should be done for him as A Ik man. under free systems. History4cacheJUS that .National emancipations do not emanate from the masters. And wherever emancipation has seemed to disappoint expectations, the difficulties are traceable; in large measures, te persistent and multiform counteractions by the late master-class. Appeals may be made to taste or pride on the subject of the social equality of the peo ple of color. We must not permit our opin ions to be warped by such considerations. 1 he present question is strictly one of politi cal justice and safety, and not of sdcial equal ity When the free man of color, educated uv the common schools, deposits a vote nich he can write himself, givei a deposi-cm which ho can read and sign, and pays a x on the homestead he has taught, the kiw forc.-s no comparisons between his in tellectual, moral, physical or social condition, From th Cineionati Gazette. Jnn. Mil. 1 Tbe Heroic in Missouri Politics. In no Slate of the Union, nor in the Con grt!? C ie UoJlli.th. heroic Si politic, been so strikingly exemplified during the past four years as in Missouri Starting in 1S61 with one of tbe most heroic mU.Ury stroke, of the w.r-the capture of Camp Jackson m Sk Louis, reauhin- the speedy flight of Gov. cCu jLlso 'f has been followed up by the heroic in politics from that day to the r.r- r:J" ? " . . . cllurB naa iraudulentJy carried the civil power over to the Confederacy, and And that of the white citizen, if whatever wisdom and no re- "aee or nation, who lives, votes ot testifies by constitutions with B"'" 6'do- which the rebel States now come outare not , But the Nation has a deep interest in the freedmen, by themselves considered. The ' republican " in such a reasonable and prac tical sense as nations act upon; if they are so far unrepublican as to endanger public peace aud the stability of our institutions, then we may treat them as not "republican" n the American sense ol the term. What then, is the character of their pre sent constitutions, assuming that slavery is prohibited ? Here presents itself no ques tion of mere principle or theory, but facts of' an overruling and decisive character. From one-third to one-half of their popula tion are absolutely and forever not only dk-franchised, but deprived of all the usual rights of citizens in a republic. Not only ao, ut this disfranchisement is perpetual, he reditary and insurmountable. It is more leeply soated than Oriental eatte. It cJirj-t; o each man aud his posterity forever, if there be a traceable thread of African de- sceut. No achievements in war or peace, no acquisitions of property, no education, no mental power or culture, no merits can over come it. lo make the case worse, these peo- le arc not only disfranchised, but the tem per, spirit and habits of the ruling class partaking of civil authority, will keep them not only disfranchised, but uneducated, without land, without the right to testify, andwithout- the means of protecting their formal freedom. The result has been and must ever be, that the system is essentially and practically oligarchical, in such. s sense as actually and seriously to endanger the public peace and the success of republicaninstitutions. Attempts arc made to enilairas.s the sub ject by referring to several of the free States, whose constitutions restrict free blacks iu the exercise of some of the usual rights of citizens. But these are not practical ques tions before the country. Theiieneral Gov ernment has no present cognizance of those questions in those States. Besides, as we have said, the exercise of thi- t"ua,Jr authority ro.-t practical d rea- oie grounds, and not on mere theory. The partial disfranchisement of people of color iu those States we regard as one of the subtile effects of the slave power in our jioli-tics, which we hope to see pass away with its cause. The number of persons whom it bears upon is so small, the effect upon them so slight, and such the stale of society and the habits and feelings of the people, that the substantial character of those States as " republican " is not sensibly affected. Departures from principle, however small, must always be regretted; but in the vat and critical affairs of nations slight aberrations from exact principles are constantly occurring, and are constantly submitted to and allowed for, in fundamental institutions, as well as in occasional practice The ca5e of the rebel States is vastly and absolutely different. It presents a question of a false principle organized and brought into action, with vast dimensions, having already created one war, and all but destroyed the republic, and even threatening danger hereafter. We can hsrdly think it in good faith that the effort is made to deter the nalion from confronting this vast peril, over which it has present and necessary jurisdiction, by invoking these slight cases found remaining iu loyal States, over which the nation has no present cognizance, and from which it has nothing to fear. We do not ask that the nation shall insist on an unconditional, universal suffrage. We aduit that States determine for themselves the principles upon which they will act, in the restrictions and conditions they place upon suffrage. All the States make restrictions of age, sex and residence, and often annex other conditions operating iu substance equally upon all, and reasonably attainable by all. Those matters lie within the region of advice ' from neighbors, and not of National authority. We speak only to the point where the National authority comes in. We cannot require the rebel States, if we treat them as States, to adopt a system, for the sole reason that we think it right Of that, each State, acting as a State, muf-t be the judge. But in the situation in which the rebel States now are, the nation can insist upon what is necessary to public safety and peace. And we declare it lo be our belief that if tbe nation admits of a rebel State to its full functions with a constitution which does not secure to the freedmen the right of suflrage in such manner as to be impartial and not based in principle upon color, and as to be reasonably attainable by intelligence and character, and which does not place in their hands a substantial power to defend their rights as citizens at the ballot box, with tbe right to be educated, to acquire homesteads, and to testify in courts, tbe na tion will be recreant to its duty to itself and to them, and will incur and deserve to incur danger and reproach propoi tion ate to the magnitude of its responsibility. It hliould not be forgot teu that, slavery being abolished, and therewith the three fifths rule of the Constitution, nearly two millions will be added lo the representative population of the slave States in the appor tionment for member, of Congress and of votes in Presidential elections, and that this increase of political power to the rebel Slates must be at the expense of the free States. If the freedmen remain, as they now are, disfranchised, this increased power will be wielded by a class of voters smaller in proportion than before. This furnishes an ad- V'e Ci.njt .be xperi-.t lift ublic s :,ie that the r p':5 ing to :::..t it bas lost suii.ri-c us. ic, no fear of Republic must choose to-day between two results. The millions of people of color in the South, no small part of thjm carrying the best white blood in their veins, must be either an educated, industriots,land-holding, arms-bearing, tax paying, voting, self-producing population, or an ualaught, indolent, objectless, disfranchised.4 helpless and debased population, the sjbstratum of a proud, restless, unrepublican, political and social aristocracy. The President ha. undertaken, in certain of the rebel States, an experiment for speedy restoration. Recognizing tbe general policy and duty of restoration as soon as practicable, the experiment commands our earnest wishes for its success. By its success we mean cot tbe return of tLo Slates to their positio'i that they are only too ready to do but ;heir return with Constitutions in which thipu'.lV s-afe'r and public lailli shall ba-sec3re conceal our apprehensions t. roent will fail. But kt ntt fail! The more recent sigi.: spirit which caused the wai. fight over politically theg-in battle. ,. This ought not : Let no haste to ref tore a 6, reWl dissatisfaction, lead tbe Republic to compromise its safety or its honor I During the progress towards restoration, the nation holds the State in military occupation, "by-pDwera TNaM-neCarilV from successful war. bJ no tot be continued unviUhisor onJXtn5rtpW ment does succeed. V neea noi oe pre-cipitate The present authority, although resulting fron war, ir ay as we have said, be largely Ixe-cised by civil methods and civil functionaries, and be accompanied with the enjoyment of many civil rights and local municipal institutions, executive and judicial. lf rent experiment fails, we xuaj- tiy the experiment of building by the people from tho foundation, by means of municipal institulions cf towns and counties, with the aid of education, commerce and immigration, a new spirit being infused and the people becoming accommodated to their new relations, and so advance gradually to complete restoration. This is but one suggestion. Various methods are open to us. Only let it be understood that there is no point at which the rebels can defy, politically, any more than they could in war, the authority of the Republic. The end the uation hus in iew is the same as that for which the war was ac cepted and prosecuted the restoration of the States to their legitimate relations with the Republic. The condition of things calls for no limitations of time or methods. By whatever course of reasoning it may be reached; upon whatever doctrine of public law it may rest ; however long ni iy be the interval of waiting, and whatever may the process resorted to, the friends and enemies of the Republic should alike understand that it has the powers, and will use the means, to insure a final restoration of the States, with constitutions which are republican, ami with provisions that shall secure the public safety and the public faith. Boston, June 21. Theophilus Parsons, President of tho meeting; J. Wiley Edmonds, James L Little, George U. Ilovey, Samuel G. IIowc, J. Inger-soll Bowditch, John M. Forbes, Daniel Denny, Wm. B. Spooner, Henry L. Pierce, Emory Washburn, Wm. ClatUin, Hartley Williams, John G. Whittier, Estes Howe, John C. Lee, Francis W. Bird, John Wells, Zenas M. Crane, Peleg W. Chandler, Richard L. Pease, Philo S.Shelton, Aaron C. Mayhew, John I. Baker, George William Bond, George C. Richardson, J. Huntington Wolcott, Wm F. Weld, Homer Barllett, Benjamin T. Reed, J. M. S, Williams, Edward W. Kinsley, Julius Rockwell, William Endicott, jr., James T. Robinson, Robert C. Pitman, Martin Brimmer, Albert J. Wright, John Bertram, Chae. Adams, jr., Amasa Walker, Henry L. Sabin, John Q. A. GrifBn, Erastus Hopkins, Addison Gsge.David Bursley, James JL Stone, Jdshua E Crane, Robert B. Storer, Vice Presidents. William S Robinson, Chas. W. Slack, Delano A. Goddard, Secretaries. Richard II. Dana, jr., Theophilus Parsons, Charles G. Loring, John G. Whittier, Jacob M. Manning. Samuel G. Howe, George L. Stearns, William Endicott, jr., cotumitUn to prepare the address. W. W. II all. editor of Hall's Journal of Health, writes to tho New York Postmaster, stating that "sinco May, 1S51, (more than fourteen vears,) of all the money mailed by me, not a single letter has failed to reach its destination safely ; and ol tne tens of thou sands of money lettters sent to me, I have no reason to belive that a single one failed to come to hand. Reason: I always put in and took out my own letters." A young lady refused to go into the Wateryliet Arsenal the other day, because she beard that some of tne muskets were without breeches. There's delicacy for you. "As to bushwhackers, ths community that 1 lows them to live in it. only proves that they were their frionds during the war, and apologists of their ernnei. Kansas City Journal. An old bachelor says mat tne proper name for .marriageable young ladies is u waiting maids." of th 1 rival r .L. ntTn&l 7,rbliDof a visional Convention for the adopthm Of -ordinance, by which a civil loyal Government should! once be put into ODArailnn tv j:j stand upon the technicalities that have so conmsed the people of the United Stale, even to the present time, as to how far they mignt go independent! of th rnrm io..i Government, a. to the binding force of the old Constitution, or as to the question whether the old political organization was dead or alive. They bravely acted in yiew of the emergency. Under the ordinance, of this Convention the Governor and other SUte officers were placed in power, and Mis-soari again stood erect Then, we look at the .history of the first Legislature that assembled nnd cances, we find it to have been characterized by the heroic throughout its action. On the question of compensated emancipation under the policy of purchasing the slaves by national appropriation, and on the question of lifting the lien of the State of nearly $30,-000,000 on the railroads, to permit them to borrow money for their completion on all theso questions we find the truly heroic displayed by the solid, radical, loyal minority. There were three parties or nearly equal power in the Legislature, as there have been three parties among the people of the Sit down to the late popular vote on the new Constitution. These parties were the Democrats, tbe Clay banks and the Charcoals or Radicals. 1 he Claybanks claimed to be sun- porters of the Administration, and enjoyed throughout this period its countenance and patronage. The question of electing Senators was a most exciting one during the session of the Legislature of I8C2-3. The Rad icals constituting loss than a third part of the power of that body, put up B. Grata Brown, the most radical of Abolitionist., for one, and onoeded to the Claybanks the other candidate. At once the Claybanks opened out most desperately against the choice of the Radicals to defeat whom they were wiling to unite with the Democrats. But the Radicals clung to their choice, and by an heroic stroke defeated an election by postponing it to tbe adjourned session in November. It was believed by the Democrats and Clay-hanks that tbe postponement would result in the complete overthrow of the Radicals, who would return in November with tbe verdict ot 'popular assemblies against tbem. But in this they were mistaken ; for instead of this the Charcoals were strengthened and Mr. Henderson, the Senatorial incumbent, had himself so advanced toward the Radi cals that they triumphantly carried the day in his re-election and placing by bis side air. Brown. TToen, on the question of compensated idea of purchasing men from pretended owners, insisted upon imposing as slieht a burden as possible upon the National Treasury on this account, while the Claybanks and Democrats exaggerated the value of the slave, and insisted upon as much as $23,-000,000 against $15,000,000, the amount which the Kadicals were willing to concede, for the sake of effecting something towards freedom. The conflict went on in the Legislature upon this question, and the firmness of that band of Radicals, now reduced to about twenty five out of one hundred and fifty members. defeated compensated emancipation altogether. The Radicals bad faith in appealing to the peoplo and in tbe inevitable progress of Radical ideas. The result is at last freedom to the slave, without a cent of tribute to his master. Then, on the railroad question, who but tbe Radicals had tbe audacity to raise the mortgage of the already bankrupt State from the railroads, to allow the companies to give first mortgage bonds to private capitalists fur more money. True to their spirit of dash and hopefulness they did all they could for their measure, believing that with tbe boundless resources of Missouri, under the enterprising spirit of freedom, the State could afford to lift its lien for the completion of the roads, and all would be eventually paid. This great measure was also postponed and finally prevailed. Under that policy Missouri is now doing more than any other State in railroad progress, and the future rapid advancement of Missouri will be due to the heroism of the Radicals. In the meantime these Radicals, who were so rapidly attaining the ascendancy over the public mind in Missouri, felt considerably aggrivated toward the Administration of Mr. Lincoln for continuing to bestow the patronage of the General Government upon the Claybanks whoso strongly sympathized with the Democratic faction. But Mr. Lin coln saw that in the condition of the public mind it would greatly strengthen the Demo crats to ignore the Claybanks, and to imper il the ultimate success or tne Kadicals. I he result showed that Mr. Lincoln was right, and the Radicals, doubtless, now thank him for thus helping tbem to the ascendency. Though the Charcoals bad over and over resolved to oppose Mr. Lincoln s renomina- tion, and for a time favored the Fremont nomination, yet true to their courage and heroism, they dashed into the Baltimore Convention, ousted the Claybanks, obtained such concessions to their principles as were satisfactory, and at last moved that the re- nomination of Mr. Lincoln be made unanimous! This was one of the neatest feats of poitical strategy ever performed in thiscoun- tTJ- Then as to emancipation, bow gloriously have they triumphed ! Emancipation was made gradual slavery to terminate in tbe course ot a dozen years, but tne naaicais stamped their feet aod declared that it should be immediate. They at once called for a new Convention, appealed to tbe peo pie, got their Convention, and sent to the popular vote a draft that asserted for the first time in the history of politics, "the equality of all men before the law." They did not go so far aa to defeat their object and send tbe State back to the slaveholders, by granting suffrage to the blacks, but there is the principle up to which they have bound the people to advance in due course of time. For the defeat of this Constitution the most extraordinary efforts were made by the united Claybanks and the Democracy: and strange as jt may appear, a large portion of the Radicals of SL Louis united with the enemies of the Constitution; and some of them the Germans because it did not enfranchise the negro, and others because of some slights which the majority of the party had put upon them. In this, the attempt of the latter for revenge was aa bold as had WHOLE NUMBER 135. r " ...,w ."-am luc Mot . . - f . l . . .. ration or me oiaie. i ne election passed off, and lol St Louis, with her 4,000 Radical majority, gave 5.926 against tha Y . , m 3 " ' - " Wl LM slitution. The Missouri Democrat exDrefusl iu sense of grief and humiliation at this unfortunate result, while the Rennhltoai. Dispatch shouted for joy, and proposed a grand jubilee over the defeat of tbe Radt Cals. as Was) SIlnnnsAil I lirnll rhn.it ik C..' : it 1 - ut trials. Ibe nrst returns from the interior were from the strong slaveholding counties, and were unfavorable But t Unoik j.. counties, where war in iu most barbarous orals uai uesoiatcd the coue try and murdered so many loyal people, began to send forward their returns, and with the aid of the soldiers the new Constitution was tri-umnhantlv carriiwl Kw fn,'n.;,- , between 3,000 and 10,000. . Thus are the Radicals finally triumphant against the combination of all opposing parties, assisted by the treachery of some and thik wilrl imrutlim stf .ikAM - e .. .. "'""" m uwir own DartV. Thus was Afissnnri m.J. . f . . - . " .n inn bi once by the adoption of the most thorough- c-e fo..-..v-... mi, u jn oeen irameu in this country. It is replete with the characteristic heroism of freedom and human equality, but on such questions as involve the financial credit of tha Kioto r.AD ,i;,i fear to provide for thoroughly maintaining rw...v. ii.u vj iujnmg ine necessary taxation for its silnnnrt In w.r.A , u r r " arad-fc lJ lUu disfranchisement of rebels, also, it adopts the heroic remedy, that those who so lately suugu. oy war, ootn regular and irregular.by rapine and murder, to destroy not only the Gorersment but the loyal people, should not have tho privi'.eg, now that they are con-quered.of governing the country at the polls This disfranchisement is thorough, and it remains to be seen whether' Missouri sbsll be the oulv slave Stata that nmA u,t tk. - - vmw ve uu ordeal of treason and blood thoroughly ren- All hail, therefore, to tlu Uilila nf Xf;.. sotiri! Thev have fouirht a enml hVhi h&k. gloriously triumphed, and Missouri will rapidly riaf in power and wealth. , Tha President's Policy. A biter lately appeared in the State Jaurnaf, of Columbus, Ohio, written by a prominent citizen of that State, which is said to set forth the policies of President John, son on the question ot rehabilitation of the South.' The Louisville Journal is directly and Reliably informed that the letter fully embraces the views of President Johnson aud that it is in truth a semi-official expres. sion from the President himself." Whether the latter part of the JournaCs information ig correct or not, there L good cause to believe that the former is true The writer says : " The true key ta the Preaidant's proclamation u that he holds the doctrine that the axailed acta of State sacesaion are null and void, and all ex done in purauauce thereof, and hence t bat all office held a oiler rebel authority can ba declared vacant by the military authority of the Preajdeot of the United SutJi on tbe quelching of the rebellion.- Further, that the Slate eonatiluiions and laws in force at the date of the pretended iceeasion, having been held in abeyaare during the war, remain in fall force sad effect, aa they originally stood before they were changed, and lubjeeetd te leoognizo rebel authority. Therefore, hn proclamations recite, " That, wherea, the fourth fetio ot the fourth Article of the Cooi:tuti. e of the United States de-eiarM that the Tniled States ahall guarantee to every State in tbe Union a republican form of government," therefore, h.-,aa President of the United States, proceeds to put in motion tbe machinery that may enable the tryal loyal voters of tbe State to let in operation again the civil government, referring t'tck to the dult ef the lo-called ordinance of iccesiion, to ascertain who are the legal votera of the Sute. Ilowever, by bis authority aCommander-in-Chief of the Army, he prevent the rebel legal voter from exercising the right of ttif- frago by requiring ihe test-oath set forth in the Amnesty r roclamatiou of May T), lsoo. By tbi action he enfranchise no one, but, by virtue of bii pardoning power, prescribe the condition on which a legal loyal voter ef the State may exercise hi pre-existing right of su 11 rage, by acknowledging the authority of the government of the United States, without which oath he is no voter under the constitution and laws. President Johnson believe that neither himself nor Congress has any constitutional right to create a voter ; but that power tha people of the several States composing the Federal Union have rightfully exercised from tbe origin of the government to the preient time. (See proclamation.) It by no mean follows, as tome argue, that if the State are as they were, ate bcllum, that the officers, whom President Johnson ha diaplaeed, are the legitimate Slate government, because there can be no lajitinate State government that acknowledged rebel authority and resisted the paramount authority of the Constitution of tbe United States by armed rebellion ; which forfeits the right of these officers to hold office, bnt not the right of tbe legal loyal voters of the State to ehoose other officers who may bring their State again into "proper practical " relation to the government of the Union. In tbe beginning of the war, this principle was fully recognized by every department of the government in reference to Virginia, when Pierpont w is elected Governor by the legal, loyal voters, and Messrs. Carlisle and Willey admitted as United State Senators, long before West Virginia was separated fum the balance of the State. President Johnson, in hi proclamations, ha not wiped out any lit at constitution or law that the United States ever recognized ; he has merely ejected the rebel nsarperr of office, acknowledging nothing that did not exist previous to the so-called secession. Taking up the old State Constitution and laws a they existed then, he give the loyal people an opportunity of filling the office with loyal men. Slavery fell with tbe operation of the war, and tbe people are duly notified that it cannot be resurrected ; but the President bad do more power to confer the right of suffrage on negroes than to prescribe that minora of eighteen or women should vote, contrary to the old State Constitution and laws." Congress will settle this whole matter by " vigorously letting alone " the Southern States. They will not perhaps attempt to enfranchise any one, black or white, but they will mate il interesting for the " legal voters" of those rebel States to adopt truly republican constitutions, and to establish State governments "republican in form," which are supposed to derive their jut pow ers from the consent of the governed. These Southern States will have plenty of time to think over the matter; we do not think Congress is iu a great hurry. The President was in duty bound to establish civil law as soon as possible ; but this does not apply to Congress ; they have plenty of time. General Grant's father in a speech at the Ohio State Convention said : "lie had been often asked if he did not feel proud of that boy of his. This reminded him of an occasion when this Question was asked in the presence of a Dutchman, who interrupted him bv savine. 'lie isn't to blame; he couldn't help it"' Stephex A. Docglas once remarked, that this eovernment would never be really strong nntil some one should be convicted of treason and debberately hanged. Stephen was not far wrong. QTES OF ADVERTISING. One Ignore,' ese werk h additional wk three aaontha . - aix moata. ,w I m . -. -..-. Oa-lbarth rolume, tkree moaUw. aixmonin " one year: u""1"" ttum B'h m moeths. . M V"Mll.M,. 1 in se oe oo IS so . 18 00 . 25 00 . 38 HO as o . 44 M . TO OS . ;o oe . lis CO u-7TT:.. """"woaoiiaraaaannyceDni - TH ba nnnlM. k A , . m.t , - awwiior, aeuces to oe aorerw- .nch aetirr. kefcr. affldaTtt wiui,"7B F 7 rlufeeMtipitSal n - ?- - - . A GREAT POLITICAL PLOT. Views of Wendell Phillips. Wendell Phillips made a speech at Farm- ingham, Massachusetts, on the 4ib, from which we take a significant passage. After describing the four different elements of power which the white race possesses to- wit: wealth,, fashion, money and noh tics- he aaks for tbe negroes the advantage of Ihe fourth element, to protect themselves against the white race which possesses sgainst tbem the three other elements, as well as the fourth, Mr. Phillips then says: Mr. Sumner, Mr. Wilson, Mr. Kelly, they say to him: kSir, the while race has three elements; make the fourth impartial" The rresident says, I Hesitate, 1 do not see my way clear." What do these gentlemen say ? If yon don t see your way clear, stop; if the way don't open before you, stand still until it doe. If you don't see your way clear to reorganize those States, keep tbem where tney are. 1 bat is the advice Mr. Sumner gave him; that is the advice Mr. Bontwell gave him; that is the advice Judge Kelly gave him. I. have no disposition to bear hard upon Ihe President Tbe solution of the question depends upon his being on our side. I am standing here to-day to counsel with you to find out what? Two thing3 what are the indications in our possession today of where the President means to stand? That is the first question. The st cond is, if he is not standing right to day, how can be be made to? Let me show you the importance of this question: "Where wiil President Johnson stand on the fourth day of December next?" The press and public speakers recently undertook to discuss how we could keep the rebel States out of Congress. Men say i "The next Congress may be reiied upon; they cannot gel a majority to vote them in. No matter where President Johnson stands; there is tbe bulwark of Congress; they never will recognize these States.'.' Is not that the oomfort which every politician gives you ? There would be some hope if the membera of Congress would have an opportunity with the delegates of the rebel States outside of the doors of Congress to vote whether they should git there, liut, in my opinion,. President Johnson's theory is, that the States have never been out of the Union. Their relations have 'only been sus pended, not destroyed. They are going to nave members of Congress chosen this summer. During the next five months they will be elected. Oo the fourth day of December, eighty-four Southern-representatives, from North Carolina, South Carolina, . Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Arkanas, Florida, and Texas, wiil march into Washington. Will they stay the outride rf the doors of Congress? No! They will walk into Congress, and sit down in their old seats. They will say, "Gentlemen, President Johnson says tbe Slates have never been out of the Union." IIow can you check them ? What is the tt'ixt step? Mr. McPherson, Clerk of the House, is the only officer. The way you orennize Congress is this : He rises and says,. "Gentlemen, are you ready to or ganize?" "We are," cry out the crowd. He then proceeds locail atate after Mate 31as- sacousetts, Maine, New Hampshire, New I ork, Connecticut, Rhode Island Suppose he goes on, and calls North Carolina, Alabama, Mississippi. They respond. It remains with him, and with him only, whether e shall call these eighty four men inside. When he has done ii tiiey vote for Speaker But ou may say, ilr. lioutavil wont let them." Gentlemen, it if not iu order to ob ject If Mcrherson admits t!iem you ctn- not object to the speaker eho9on. w en, tne Speaker is chosen. Mr. Boutwell rises and says, "I move that Louisiana has no right to sit on this floor." The subject is referred to a committee. Suppose the committee report that she is not or that she is, no matter which. The six gentlemen walk outside tbi-bar. Uf the eighty-four Southerners seventy-eight remain, and they votecn the question. Seventy-eight rebel representatives are to join in tne iiecision. rsui you say, ".Mr. Mcrherson won t do it. W hy, there is not one politician in a th; usand could resist it, it the Administration wishes turn to do it. If President Johnson says it is to be dooe.it willbedone. If not, it will not be done. That is the importance of knowing where the President means to stand on the 4th day of December. If he lets the colored race know that he thinks those States have not dissolved their relations with the Government, and have aright to resume tbem, then eighty-four votes will walk inside of that Congress, and tho questio i will be, not shall, we admit them, but shall we put them out? On that question of putting them out, seventy-eight of them will vote. The Democratic party will join with them, if the President wishes them. A largn share of the Republican party will join with it, if the President winhes it So yon see, gentlemen, our fate rests in the hands of the colored race, and the disposition of Andrew Johnson on the 4th day of December next lie, to day, stands urging those States lo choose these men to Congress. Now, the question is, "Can we exert any such power on him as that when he has got them chosen, he shall allow them to stand outside of Congress, and abide the judgment of the loyal members of that body ?' We are hoping that those States will stand outside of Congress, and our Republican party shall say, "You cannot come in until you send us a ratification of the constitutional amendment." But suppose when they stand there the Clerk of the House drags them in without giving us time to impose that condition? Why, then they will say, "Gentlemen, here we are. If you want that amendment ratified, we will treat. If you want il ratified, ratify the rebel debt. If you want it ratified, ratify our Constitution. Here we are inside, unconditionally, unpledged. While they are out the helm is in our band. Whether John McFherson calls those States in or leaves them out that is the hub of our politics, that the pivot of the national future. In order to prevent him you have got to keep Andy Johnson within the sight and sound of Charles Sumner's and Judge Kelly's voice and advice to-day he's not there. 'injiqauj nam stuBajjs st j jaara -otn eqi jo jnds eqi ao cp wrrjo eqi UMop js8 umana33 pjo ssapqanoqj uooa y The Grave of Lincoln's Mothkr. Near the little village of Gentryville, Spencer county, Indiana the residence for seventeen years of the parents of Abraham Lincoln under the aged forest trees of th country, lie the remains of the mother of our martyred President. The moss-covered mound of earth, where peacefully sleeps the mother of this great and good man, is without headstone or monument to mark its locality, or relate lo the passer-by the name of its honored occupant It was among Ihe last expressed resolves of Mr. Lincoln to consummate a long-contemplated desire to erect a suitable memorial over the grave of hia mother. This resolve was beautifully expressed in a letter from the President to an old friend in Gentryville, written but a few weeks before his tragic death, in which he said that in the coming (present) summer he intended to visit that locality and make provision for procuring a testimonial of hia affection for his mother. He was not permitted to fulfill his desire. I J